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UC Sustainable Agriculture Research and Education Program
Sustainable Agriculture Newsletter
Winter-Spring 2005 (v17n1)

Farmworkers in organic agriculture: Toward a broader notion of sustainability


Field Workers, San Joaquin Valley. (photo by Bill Gillette, courtesy of California Institute for Rural Studies)

By Aimee Shreck, SAREP postdoctoral researcher; Christy Getz, assistant Cooperative Extension specialist, UC Berkeley; and Gail Feenstra, SAREP food systems analyst

Profile of Hired Farmworkers
in California

  • about 800,000 hired in CA each year by 35,000 employers
  • average annual earnings: $7,000-$8,000
  • 82% male
  • 95% foreign born
  • median age of 32
  • > 42% unauthorized to work

Characteristics of Farm Labor
on California Farms

  • predominantly seasonal work, long hours, high off-season unemployment
  • low wages, overtime only after 60 hours/week
  • exposure to toxic agrochemicals
  • stoop labor, climbing, lifting often leading to musculoskeletal disorders
  • high levels of stress, anxiety, depression

Martin, P. and B. Mason. 2003. "Hired Workers on California Farms," in California Agriculture: Dimensions and Issues, edited by J. Siebert. Berkeley: UC Giannini Foundation of Agricultural Economics, Berkeley, pp. 191-214.

Martin, P. and J. E. Taylor. 2000. "For California Farm Workers, Future Holds Little Prospect for Change," California Agriculture 54: 19-25.

Rosenberg, H.R., S.M, Gabbard, E. Alderete, and R. Mines. 1993. "California Findings from the National Agricultural Workers Survey," U.S. Dept. of Labor.

Organic agriculture, one of the fastest growing segments of the food system, is increasingly being identified as an area of opportunity for California's agricultural sector in general, and for struggling small-scale farmers in particular. Much of the attention focuses on the benefits it provides to consumers (chemical-free foods) and to farmers (price premiums). But what about the implications of organic agriculture for the farmworkers who work on these farms? Are there specific benefits for this often overlooked group, and if so, does the boom in organic agriculture represent an opportunity to improve the difficult and dangerous conditions many workers face? Is organic agriculture more "socially sustainable" than conventional agriculture?

While "organic" and "sustainable" are not interchangeable terms, organic is frequently associated with the broader concept of sustainable agriculture, which integrates environmental health, economic profitability, and social and economic equity. Moreover, in the last few years, the organic movement has seriously debated if and how to incorporate social criteria into organic standards and certification requirements. The most ambitious effort is taking place at the international level. In 2003, the International Federation of Organic Agriculture Movements (IFOAM) adopted a new chapter on social justice for its Basic Standards (essentially, "standards for standards" that IFOAM-accredited certifiers must comply with). For years, organizations like California Certified Organic Farmers (CCOF) and more recently the California Sustainable Agriculture Working Group have been debating the idea of social standards, but the idea has never been popular enough for social standards to be seriously considered. Today there appears to be stronger interest in making a clear link between social justice and organic agriculture at this international level. In light of these developments, we conducted a study to better understand the developments related to social certification and organic agriculture in California.

Central to social certification programs in agriculture are criteria aimed at ensuring the working conditions for hired labor are fair, safe, healthy, and equitable. A review of the literature on sustainable and organic agriculture found that up to now, there has been very little attention given to farmworkers involved in organic agriculture. A common misperception among farmers and consumers is that organic certification already addresses working conditions for farmworkers, and that because organic agriculture rules forbid many toxic pesticides, it is often assumed that organic is "better" for farmworkers than conventional agriculture. However, since national organic standards do not include criteria for workplace conditions, and because there is so much diversity among organic farms that tend to be more labor intensive, we questioned these assumptions. Our research sought to shed light on the broad question "What are the implications of the boom in organic agriculture for farmworkers in California?"

We began by investigating the perceptions of organic growers about the possible incorporation of social standards into organic criteria. In the spring of 2004, we administered an anonymous mail questionnaire to a random sample of 500 organic farmers in California. The sample was selected from a list of 1,762 organic and "mixed" growers-those with both organic and conventional acreage-that was provided by the California Department of Food and Agriculture. Completed questionnaires were returned by 188 organic farmers. The three-page questionnaire focused primarily on farmers' thoughts about social sustainability in organic agriculture and included questions about farming activities, hiring and employment practices (when applicable), beliefs regarding sustainability, and basic demographic characteristics.

Like most organic farmers in California, the majority of the farmers responding to our survey operate at a small-scale in terms of area farmed and annual sales. Almost three-quarters (73.8 %) of respondents farm 50 acres or less, and 64 % of the farms reported less than $50,000 in annual sales. A majority (58 %) has all of their cultivated land certified organic. Three-quarters of the farmers market ten or fewer crops, with just over 30% growing only one crop for marketing purposes. The average (mean) amount of time practicing organic agriculture was 10.7 years and 71.5 % of the respondents were male.

Two-thirds of the farmers responding hire workers in addition to their families at least part of the year. Of these employers, half hire just six or fewer farmworkers at the peak of their season and at least 68.3 % hire the workers directly (as opposed to using farm labor contractors). Respondents were asked if they believed organic agriculture was more environmentally, economically, and socially sustainable than conventional agriculture (see Figure 1). While a fairly large majority of farmers said organic was more environmentally sustainable, less than half think organic is more economically sustainable. Organic is generally seen to be more socially sustainable than conventional.

We found relatively little support from organic farmers for adding social certification standards to the current organic certification requirements. More than half of the respondents are opposed to this proposal.

We also asked about specific criteria that could potentially be adopted by an organic certification body, such as a requirement to provide health insurance or pay living wages. Most respondents felt that such measures were inappropriate for organic certification. Table 1 shows the percentages of respondents who indicated strong agreement or disagreement with some of the hypothetical requirements. In actuality, more than a third of the employers in the sample provide at least one fringe benefit to hired farmworkers. For instance, 26.2 % provide paid vacation while 19 % provide health insurance, 9.5 % provide dental insurance, and 19 % provide paid sick leave.

Table 1:
Perceptions of growers' responsibilities to meet additional certification criteria

Certified Growers Should Be Required to Provide:
Collective
Bargaining
Rights
A Living Wage Health Insurance Paid Sick Leave Paid Vacation  
n % n % n % n % n %  
Strongly Disagree 69 40% 42 24% 83 49 83 49 83 49  
Disagree 11 6% 10 6%
16
10 20 12 22 13  
Neither Agree nor Disagree 37 21% 40 23% 26 16 26

16 24 14  
Agree 23 13% 32 18% 14 8 14 8 16 10  
Strongly Agree 33 19% 51 29% 29 17 25 15 23 14  
*Totals may not equal 100 percent due to rounding

It is important to recognize that growers might be philosophically in agreement with these ideas, but disagree that organic certification is the best way to address them. Some informed us that even though they believe that organic agriculture should ensure fair and healthy working conditions for farmworkers, it is not economically viable given the realities of the market. Most respondents (67%) felt that the hypothetical criteria would create an unacceptable financial burden.

Findings from this study provide insight into the implications of organic agriculture for farmworkers on California's farms. From the data we analyze here and additional interviews we conducted with leaders in the organic community, we found no consensus about whether organic agriculture, as it is currently practiced, is necessarily more socially sustainable for farmworkers than is conventional agriculture. Three phenomena may help explain this finding.

  • It appears that the social dimension of sustainability is interpreted widely. Even though there is a general perception that organic agriculture is more socially sustainable than conventional agriculture, few farmers responding to our questionnaire felt that criteria regarding working conditions should be codified to ensure this was the case in practice. Remarkably, about 40 % of respondents "strongly disagree" with one of the proposed requirements, to "respect farmworkers' right to bargain collectively" even though it is already required by California law (under the Agriculture Labor Relations Act of 1975).
  • The full costs of making organic agriculture socially sustainable are being externalized. Most employers in the study do not (and perceive that they cannot afford to) provide things like living wages and health insurance. Indeed, many small-scale farmers like those who participated in this study do not provide insurance for themselves. This finding is not surprising, as many of these same costs are externalized in the conventional agricultural system as well. Thus, the organic farming system, touted for the higher prices its products capture, is perceived as sustainable even as many costs go unpaid.
  • Our in-depth interviews with organic farmers and others in the organic community confirm that there are a number of important exceptions to the patterns found in this short questionnaire: individuals whose practices are atypical, yet demonstrate that under some circumstances an organic production system can be at once environmentally, economically, and socially sustainable. We are further examining these examples to identify the farmers' motivations, challenges, and strategies.

The organic community in California has, at times, considered the inclusion of social standards for working conditions in organic agriculture. Advocates have suggested addressing the needs of farmworkers through the certification process, but certification groups have never formally adopted specific criteria. The official definition of organic agriculture under the USDA's National Organic Program also excludes any certification criteria concerning farmworkers' rights or working conditions. However, the broader international organic community, including many U.S. groups, is moving closer to formally addressing the needs and rights of farmworkers and ensuring that organic agriculture is socially as well as environmentally and economically sustainable.

This study suggests that, at best, halfhearted support exists for social certification within organic agriculture in California. Our findings question expectations that organic agriculture systems necessarily foster social, or even economic sustainability for most farmers and farmworkers involved. Indeed, many farmers themselves forgo the kinds of employment benefits available to workers in most other sectors. A representative of the California Certified Organic Farmers Foundation summed up the situation as follows: "You go organic and get there and you're still in a system set up for failure. It's failing the farms, and it's failing the farmworkers, and it's failing the farm communities."1

Our findings are very much in line with this viewpoint, also espoused in the literature (see Allen et al.).2 We suggest that to create production conditions that are favorable to a broader conception of social justice, change is needed in the entire food system, not just at the point of production. Indeed, to move beyond the silence about labor within the sustainable agriculture and organic communities, we must situate these issues in the context of the entire food chain (production, processing, distribution and consumption). Only then can we hope to envision and create agriculture that is characterized by a truly comprehensive definition of sustainability: ecologically sound, economically viable, and socially responsible.

The authors are grateful for research support from the UC Institute for Labor and Employment.

Notes:
1Interview with representative from CCOF, 8/28/04.
2Allen, P., D. Van Dusen, J. Lundy, and S. Gliessman. 1991. "Integrating social, environmental, and economic issues in sustainable agriculture." American Journal of Alternative Agriculture 6(1): 34-39.